They also managed to complete the construction of the Cabora Bassa dam, the fifth largest in the world, that was designed not only to secure Mozambique's energy autonomy, but also to export energy in South Africa and Zimbabwe.

Since FRELIMO relied mostly on small scale attacks, the Portuguese and local administrators used land mines to protect dams and other key infrastructure. The Portuguese also planted mines at the border with Tanzania to block the rearmament and supplies of FRELIMO from Tanzania. At the same time, and in response to the Portuguese counter-attack, FRELIMO used anti-tank and anti-personnel land mines to terrorize Portuguese troops and militias.

After 1973 FRELIMO used land mines for non-military purposes in an effort to demonstrate to the locals and international observers that the Portuguese had lost control of the countryside.

REFERENCES

• Struggle for Mozambique. E. Mondlane
• Renamo: Terrorism in Mozambique. A. Vines
• The Origins of War in Mozambique. S. Funada-Classen
• Florencia an Accidental Story. J. Mullen and D. Bowman

APPENDIX

• Appendix I for the War of Independence

On September 1974, the Portuguese government (controlled by the revolutionary forces, but nominally represented by President Spinosa) signed the Lusaka Agreement with FRELIMO; this agreement set the stage for an independent Mozambique.

Yet many key issues, related to the legal position of settlers and their property, colonial debt, economic relations with Portugal were left unspecified. And the country was effectively handed over to FRELIMO, that after a brief interim period, took power in mid-1975 without elections.

APPENDIX

• Appendix I for the War of Independence

White settlers, Indians and educated Mozambicans were fleeing the country, selling almost everything, depleting their bank accounts, and moving vehicles, cars, and tractors to South Africa. Upon taking office, the government nationalized housing, health, and education; and it also slowly promoted the nationalization of private enterprises. The apartheid government in South Africa, strongly sceptical of FRELIMOs policies, started laying off Mozambican workers from South African mines, depriving the country from valuable remittances.

Things got worse in 1977 as heavy rains flooded vital agricultural land in the Limpopo Valley, close to the capital Maputo. The government took over abandoned farms and factories installing state managers who were in some cases assisted by foreign experts from communist countries. At the core of FRELIMO's plan was a compulsory communal villagization system, similar to Tanzania's ujanaa system pursued by Nyerere, which proved to be both ineffective and sparked resentment among peasants.

Human Rights Watch estimates that by 1981, close to 2 million people had been moved into 1,266 communal villages. Thanks to foreign aid, the economy rebounded during 1977-1981, but inefficiencies were massive and poverty widespread.

APPENDIX

• Appendix I for the War of Independence

After independence FRELIMO was in a position to further assist ZANU, a party with similar nationalistic, anti-colonial, and socialist ideology. In its effort to destabilize Ian Smith's regime, FRELIMO closed the borders with Rhodesia, depriving its landlocked neighbor of critical coastal access via the "Beira Corridor". In response the Rhodesian government and its notorious military police backed a counterinsurgency rebel group.

The Mozambican National Resistance (RENAMO) was established in Salisbury, Rhodesia in 1977 by the Rhodesian Secret Service; its first leader, André Matsangaissa was a former FRELIMO official, who was freed by Rhodesian armed forces during a raid in Mozambique. RENAMO' members were quite heterogenous, including former FRELIMO officials, dissatisfied by the radicalization of the party and its movement to the left, Portuguese and other European expatriates looking for recovering their property and influence, and many mercenaries that were mostly interested in looting. In its infancy RENAMOs army militia did not exceed 3,000 soldiers.

APPENDIX

• Appendix I for the War of Independence

It was also assisting Rhodesian forces in special operations (the most important being the sabotage of the Beira oil storage depots in the March of 1979). During this period, FRELIMO was cracking down opposition using torture and capital punishment. During this phase land mines were placed on both sides of the Rhodesia-Mozambique border to prevent raids of ZANLA in Rhodesia and protect RENAMOs bases.

The fall of Ian Smith's government in Rhodesia (in June 1979) coupled with the successful attack of FRELIMO on RENAMO's headquarters in Gorongosa (in October 1979) and the death of Matsangaissa in a counterattack, weakened the rebels; it looked like that the civil war would be over. As Newitt (2009) puts it "at this stage RENAMO was simply a mercenary unit of a white colonial army."

APPENDIX

• Appendix I for the War of Independence

These attacks coincided with massive droughts in 1981-1982 leading to starvation and famine. Human Rights Watch reports that RENAMO was even attacking tracks carrying food supplies and medicine. RENAMO managed to recruit some sympathizers, who were opposing FRELIMO's villagization policies and the suppression of ethnic leaders and customs. During this period, SADF plotted land mines along the South African border in an effort to suffocate Mozambique; RENAMO plotted mines trying to isolate urban centers (packed by internally displaced people) from the countryside.

In response to the devastating conditions, Samora Marcel made a policy U-turn, signing with South African President Pieter Willem Botha a security agreement (Nkomati Accord on March 16, 1984), where both countries committed to stop supporting rebel groups (RENAMO and ANC). Marcel also visited European capitals to persuade European leaders to commit much-needed aid and to show that he was not a hardliner. He was successful, as many European governments, including the United Kingdom, provided aid and humanitarian support. At the same time, the Mozambican government lifted price controls and changed the investment code making it easier for foreigners to invest in country.

Yet, the war continued as RENAMO was still being assisted by South African paramilitary forces, Malawi, and SADF agents based in the lawless at the time Comoros. Violence, if anything, intensified and many massacres took place in 1985-1986. With the help of Zimbabwe and Zambia's Presidents Robert Mugabe and Kenneth Kaunda, Marcel managed to secure Malawi's neutrality in September 1986. But in his flight back to Maputo, his plane crashed, most likely because paramilitary South African forces blocked radio communications.

APPENDIX

• Appendix I for the War of Independence

The most infamous event took place in July 1987 in the town of Homoine, where rebels killed with knives and machetes 386-424 unarmed civilians, mostly children, women, elderly and patients on the local hospital. A US State Department commissioned report by former US official Robert Gersony argued that such attacks were commonplace. His report writes "it is conservatively estimated that 100,000 civilians may have been murdered by RENAMO." RENAMO also established forced labour camps, using peasants as slaves (Gandira System).

RENAMO continued targeting infrastructure using extensively land mines, that were cheap and effective. Reports suggest that rebels were planting land mines across the country to terrorize the local population. Its operations appeared successful and the government lost control of sizable parts of the country. Tanzanian and Zimbabwean troops intervened to contain RENAMO and eventually marched counterattacks in the late 1980s.

According to most reports, FRELIMO also committed serious crimes during this time; they were also using forced labour and there were constant accusations of rape, killings, and looting, as the country was lawless.

APPENDIX

• Appendix I for the War of Independence

FRELIMO introduced a new Constitution (in November 1990) allowing multi-party elections, freedom of press, an independent judiciary, and civil liberties. While the United States and South African governments were pushing for an immediate cease fire and a steady transition (as in Angola), RENAMO continued its operations; fighting continued in 1991 and 1992 although some negotiations were taking place.

APPENDIX

• Appendix I for the War of Independence

"The total cost of the war is incalculable. The United Nations estimates that war and war-related hunger and disease have a total of 600,000 lives, but this is no more than a gross estimate. Most of the country's economic infrastructure is destroyed or inoperable, and much of the population is dependent on a massive international aid program. Hundreds of thousands of people are refugees in neighboring countries or displaced inside Mozambique. Many rural areas have been reduced to a stone age condition, without trade or modern manufactured goods, education or health services, and suffering from constant insecurity. Mozambique needs to be built almost from scratch."

REFERENCES

• Human Rights Watch Report, titled Conspicuous Destruction

APPENDIX

• Appendix I for the War of Independence